Colombia's 2026 Presidential Candidates: Cepeda, De la Espriella, and Valencia

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Background: Cepeda, 63, lived his early life ensconced in the Colombian left. His parents were both members of the Colombian Communist party, which drove the family into exile for much of his youth. In 1994, state forces assassinated Cepeda’s father, then a senator. Cepeda was involved in movements backing justice for victims of state crimes before his 2009 election to the Chamber of Representatives and 2014 election to the Senate. There, he became a prominent voice for left-wing ideals and a deescalation of the conflict between the government and paramilitaries, building a reputation as a vocal Uribe opponent. A legal dispute between Uribe and Cepeda resulted in the ex-president's 2025 sentence to house arrest. 

In the Senate, Cepeda has been one of Petro’s strongest allies and he participated in several negotiations with paramilitary groups as part of the president’s Total Peace strategy. 

The campaign: In 2025, Cepeda won the primary for the governing Historic Pact party with 65 percent of the vote. Cepeda intended to partake in the March 8 interparty consultation for the leftist coalition. However, the National Electoral Council blocked Cepeda’s inclusion, ruling he had already participated in one primary, the maximum allowed for a candidate. In response, the Historic Pact left the coalition, and Petro urged voters to skip the consultation. Still, in the simultaneous legislative election, the Historic Pact won the most votes in both the Senate and the House of Representatives. 

Shortly after the consultation, Cepeda announced his running mate, Senator Aida Quilcué, an indigenous leader from Cauca, a conflict-affected area. 

Cepeda’s campaign has focused on mounting rallies across the country and has eschewed billboards and advertising. Cepeda has also avoided traditional media, only doing two interviews and participating in no debates. In April, he challenged Valencia and de la Espriella to a debate, though no date has been set. 

His vision: Cepeda seeks to build on Petro’s presidency, which he calls “the first government of change.” The intro to his 400-plus-page platform declares: “We must state clearly: the change has not ended; it has barely begun.” He goes on, “The structures that produced inequality, corruption, and violence remain present and continue to resist the transformations demanded by society.” Cepeda’s platform contains 140 references to Petro. 

On security, Cepeda backs the Total Peace approach of negotiating with paramilitary groups. He seeks to tackle the structural causes of violence, like poverty and inequality, through a “peace with social justice” strategy. 

He seeks to strengthen programs like subsidies for senior citizens and the building of new universities.  While he wants to expand the welfare state, funded by broadening the tax base and taxing the wealthiest Colombians, Cepeda has also proposed austerity that would reduce overall government spending. 

Cepeda had supported Petro’s efforts to initiate a constituent assembly, though he recently walked back on that front. 

Questions to consider:

• Can Cepeda expand his support beyond Petro’s base?
• Will Cepeda’s non-traditional campaign deliver?
• How will markets react to if Cepeda takes the top spot in the first round?

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Background: A self-described “outsider,” de la Espriella, 47, entered Colombian politics two years ago when he launched his bid for the presidency. But the lawyer has long had a high profile in Colombia, thanks to his legal defense of prominent clients, including Uribe and businessman Alex Saab; release of Italian music albums; and launch of a fashion line. Before the race, de la Espriella lived in Miami.

The campaign: Abelardo launched his Defenders of the Homeland movement in October 2024, which he branded as “a new modern, open, and thoughtful right wing, more concerned with the future than the past, one that dreams of a country free from the farce of populist governments.” He is running for president under the National Salvation Movement party, a small right-wing party. He did not partake in the March interparty consultations, opting to compete directly in the first round.

De la Espriella has sought to reflect a global network of right-wing leaders like Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele and Argentine President Javier Milei—both in policy and style. He sports slicked-back hair and a beard like Bukele’s and calls himself “The Tiger,” similar to Milei’s penchant for lions. He’s also a savvy user of social media, especially Tik Tok.  De la Espriella’s rallies feature speakers from across the Latin American right, military veteran leaders, and evangelical preachers. 

However, de la Espriella’s running mate is an establishment figure: José Manuel Restrepo, minister of finance (2021–2022) under President Iván Duque (2018–2022).

His vision: “A safe country is a prosperous country, and only those of us who stand firm for our country will be able to perform the miracle of saving it,” reads de la Espriella’s platform. “The miracle will be that of unity, of closing ranks like an army of tigers and tigresses who stand up to crime, illegality, drug trafficking, and corruption.” 

Security is a centerpiece of de la Espriella’s campaign and his proposals include building 10 megaprisons, as well as 10 rehabilitation centers. A critic of Total Peace, he’s promised a militarized approach to narcotrafficking, including strikes on planes and boats suspected of drug smuggling, as well as coca fumigation. De la Espriella also said he would authorize the police to shoot at protesters they believe to be violent. He wants to increase the military budget and personnel and purchase U.S. and Israeli military equipment. 

De la Espriella is proponent of shrinking the state, with a target of a 40 percent reduction. He also proposes cutting taxes and attracting investment in Colombia’s hydrocarbon section.

Question to consider:

• Can de la Espriella turn out voters without a political machine?
• Will right-wing voters pick de la Espriella over the more experienced Valencia?
• Can de la Espriella win over moderate voters in a second round?

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Background: The granddaughter of an ex-president and daughter of a senator, Paloma Valencia, 48, is a lawyer, professor, and journalist. She first ran for House of Representatives in 2006, a race she lost. In 2014, she won a Senate seat with the Democratic Center, Uribe’s party, and has held her seat since. She has been an outspoken critic of Presidents Juan Manuel Santos (2010–2018) and Petro, opposing both the 2016 Peace Deal and the Total Peace plan. 

Campaign: Valencia was selected as the candidate of the Democratic Center party following two commissioned polls. In the March interparty consultations, she won not only the center-right contest but the most votes of any candidate that day, earning almost 50 percent of all ballots. Her running mate was the runner-up in the center-right consultation, economist Juan Daniel Oviedo, who outperformed expectations to win 1.2 million votes. 

Since then, Valencia has seen her poll numbers rise. She has executed a more traditional campaign than either Cepeda or de la Espriella, participating in several debates. 

Her vision: “Colombia can no longer remain a country where fear holds sway over the State,” reads Valencia’s campaign platform. Her security strategy involves hiring 60,000 military and police offices while raising the security budget. She’s proposed a Plan Colombia 2.0, a reference to the U.S.-Colombia anti-narcotic initiative that ran from 2000 until the implementation of the 2016 Peace Deal, though Valencia says she does not support U.S. military action in her country. She has also spoken of leveraging technology like AI in criminal justice and building “productive prisons.”

Her security posture is a restoration of the Uribe approach and on campaign flyers, Valencia markets herself as “100% Uribista.” She suggested in April he could serve as her defense minister, though he ruled it out. Running mate Oviedo has publicly called out Valencia’s criticism of the 2016 Peace Deal and closeness with Uribe, but Valencia said she doesn't regret selecting him. 

Valencia’s economic plan would see lower taxes, a reduced state, and investment in alternative energy. She has proposed to build 10,000 kilometers of rural roads and expand access to credit. 

Questions to consider:

• Can Valencia win over hard-right voters attracted to de la Espriella?
• Will her association with Uribe help or hurt her candidacy?
• Can the presence of moderate Oviedo on her ticket broaden Valencia’s appeal Attract centrist and leftist voters?